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7 recorded motions

DateClassificationReferenceMotionDocuments
2026-07-09First readingA10-0185/2026Establishment of the digital euro

Discussion transcript

Establishment of the digital euro

Where available, remarks are AI-translated into English. Select the language badge to view the original.

Vote details

  • Decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations Plain-language guide Decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote decides whether Parliament enters negotiations with EU member states on creating a digital euro. It launches talks to set rules for a digital currency backed by the European Central Bank. What a Yes vote means Would approve starting negotiations with EU member states to establish rules for a digital euro backed by the European Central Bank. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 416 169 22 111
2026-07-09Second readingC10-0178/2026Temporary derogation from the ePrivacy directive

Vote details

  • Amendments 1, 2 and 7 · Proposal for rejection Plain-language guide Amendments 1, 2 and 7 · Proposal for rejection This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendments to the eprivacy directive lacks available official wording, so its concrete impact cannot be determined. What a Yes vote means Would adopt the specified amendments to the eprivacy directive proposal. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 314 276 17 111
  • Amendment 8 · Article 1, paragraph 1 Plain-language guide Amendment 8 · Article 1, paragraph 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Am 8 inserts text at Article 1, paragraph 1 of the ePrivacy directive derogation, but the official source wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text at Article 1, paragraph 1 of the ePrivacy derogation, though the official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 117 422 66 113
  • Amendment 9 · Article 1, paragraph 2 Plain-language guide Amendment 9 · Article 1, paragraph 2 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official wording of Amendment 9 to Article 1, paragraph 2 of the ePrivacy directive derogation is unavailable in the parliamentary report. What a Yes vote means Would replace the specified text with an amendment whose official wording is unavailable in the parliamentary source bundle. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 114 422 60 122
  • Amendment 30 · Article 1, after paragraph 2 Plain-language guide Amendment 30 · Article 1, after paragraph 2 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would add text at Article 1, after paragraph 2 of the draft position, though the official source wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add the specified text to Parliament's draft position, though the exact official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 369 236 6 107
  • Amendment 10 · Article 2, after point 4 Plain-language guide Amendment 10 · Article 2, after point 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment targets Article 2 after point 4; the official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add the specified text to Article 2 after point 4. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 161 433 12 112
  • Amendment 11 · Article 2, after point 4 Plain-language guide Amendment 11 · Article 2, after point 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on Amendment 11 to Article 2 of the temporary ePrivacy derogation concerns an insertion location, but the official wording is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add text to Article 2 after point 4 as specified in Amendment 11, though the exact substantive wording is not provided in the sources. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 120 433 52 113
  • Amendment 12 · Article 2, after point 4 Plain-language guide Amendment 12 · Article 2, after point 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment targets Article 2 after point 4; the official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add the specified text to Article 2 after point 4. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 158 433 11 116
  • Amendment 13 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a Plain-language guide Amendment 13 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on Amendment 13 for the ePrivacy directive temporary derogation concerns Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, though the exact official wording is unavailable in the sources. What a Yes vote means Would replace the text at Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, with the official wording that is currently unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 119 434 51 114
  • Amendments 26, 31 and 4 (part 1) · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a Plain-language guide Amendments 26, 31 and 4 (part 1) · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Official wording for Amendment 26 to Article 3, paragraph 1, point a in the ePrivacy directive report is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the text at Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, though the exact substantive change is unavailable in official sources. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 345 237 18 118
  • Amendment 14 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a Plain-language guide Amendment 14 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Am 14 for Article 3 paragraph 1 point a changes Parliament draft position, but exact official wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the specified point in Article 3, though the exact official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 160 433 11 114
  • Amendment 15 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a Plain-language guide Amendment 15 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official text for Amendment 15 affecting Article 3, paragraph 1, point a of the temporary derogation from the ePrivacy directive is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would adopt the specified amendment at Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, though the exact text is not provided in the official sources. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 161 430 10 117
  • Amendments 26, 31 and 4 (part 2) · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a Plain-language guide Amendments 26, 31 and 4 (part 2) · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote concerns Amendment 26 to Article 3 of the temporary derogation from the ePrivacy directive, but the official wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the specified text at Article 3, point a, though the exact official wording for this amendment is currently unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 346 254 3 115
  • Amendments 26, 31, 6 and 21 (part 3) · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a Plain-language guide Amendments 26, 31, 6 and 21 (part 3) · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 26 for Article 3, paragraph 1, point a of the temporary ePrivacy directive derogation concerns an update whose official text is currently unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the specified text at Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, though the exact official wording is unavailable in the source bundle. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 362 235 5 116
  • Amendment 5 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, after point 1 Plain-language guide Amendment 5 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point a, after point 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on Amendment 5 for the temporary derogation from the ePrivacy directive relates to Article 3, point 1, where the official wording is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add the specified text to Article 3, though the exact official wording remains unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 322 255 36 105
  • Amendment 27 · Article 3, paragraph 1, after point a Plain-language guide Amendment 27 · Article 3, paragraph 1, after point a This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 27 to the temporary ePrivacy directive derogation concerns Article 3, paragraph 1, after point a, though the exact official wording is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add a provision to Article 3, paragraph 1, after point a regarding the temporary ePrivacy directive derogation, though the exact text is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 175 408 22 113
  • Amendment 16 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point b Plain-language guide Amendment 16 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point b This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description For Article 3, paragraph 1, point b of the ePrivacy derogation, Amendment 16 official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the unavailable official text for the ePrivacy derogation. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 154 421 19 124
  • Amendment 17D · Article 3, paragraph 1, point d Plain-language guide Amendment 17D · Article 3, paragraph 1, point d This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Amendment 17D on Article 3, paragraph 1, point d of the temporary ePrivacy derogation; official wording unavailable in sources. What a Yes vote means Would replace the designated text to change Parliament's draft position on the ePrivacy directive derogation. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 86 479 41 112
  • Amendment 18 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point iii Plain-language guide Amendment 18 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point iii This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description For Am 18 at Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point iii, the official source wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text at Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point iii. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 119 436 51 112
  • Amendment 19 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point vii Plain-language guide Amendment 19 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point vii This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 19 to the ePrivacy directive temporary derogation concerns Article 3, paragraph 1, point g, point vii, but its exact official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the specified point in the Parliament's draft position with text that is officially unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 110 432 62 114
  • Amendment 20 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point j Plain-language guide Amendment 20 · Article 3, paragraph 1, point j This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 20 to article 3 of the ePrivacy directive derogation has unavailable official wording in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text at article 3 paragraph 1 point j of the parliament draft position. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 142 434 30 112
  • Amendment 28 · After Article 3 Plain-language guide Amendment 28 · After Article 3 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official wording for amendment 28 after Article 3 is unavailable in the parliamentary report. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text in the ePrivacy directive derogation as specified in the unavailable amendment 28. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 175 399 23 121
  • Amendment 29 · Article 11 Plain-language guide Amendment 29 · Article 11 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Official wording for Amendment 29 to Article 11 in the ePrivacy derogation file is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would replace the absent official text location with an unverified draft change. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 353 254 7 104
  • Amendment 22 · After recital 5 Plain-language guide Amendment 22 · After recital 5 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment would add a recital after recital 5, but its official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add a recital after recital 5; its official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? Official amendment wording is unavailable, so Russia impact cannot be assessed. 164 425 14 115
  • Amendment 23 · After recital 8 Plain-language guide Amendment 23 · After recital 8 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment would add a recital after recital 8, but its official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add a recital after recital 8; its official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? Official amendment wording is unavailable, so Russia impact cannot be assessed. 170 412 19 117
  • Amendment 3 · Recital 11 Plain-language guide Amendment 3 · Recital 11 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 3 to recital 11 of the temporary derogation from the ePrivacy directive lacks official source wording in the parliamentary documents. What a Yes vote means Would adopt amendment 3 as an insertion or replacement at recital 11, though the specific official text is unavailable in the sources. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 257 292 59 110
  • Amendment 24 · After recital 13 Plain-language guide Amendment 24 · After recital 13 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment would add a recital after recital 13, but its official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add a recital after recital 13; its official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? Official amendment wording is unavailable, so Russia impact cannot be assessed. 162 424 18 114
  • Amendment 25 · Recital 32 Plain-language guide Amendment 25 · Recital 32 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote addresses the amendment at Recital 32 within the ePrivacy directive temporary derogation, though the official text is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add the amendment at Recital 32, as the specific text is unavailable in the official source bundle. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 157 385 20 156
  • Proposal for rejection Plain-language guide Proposal for rejection This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote rejects the proposal for a temporary derogation from the ePrivacy directive, stopping the proposed exception to allow online child sexual abuse material detection rules. What a Yes vote means Would replace the legislative text by rejecting the Commission proposal for a temporary ePrivacy directive derogation. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 276 286 30 126
2026-07-09B10-0357/2026The threat of war crimes, the escalating violations of international humanitarian law and the human rights situation in El-Obeid, Sudan

Discussion transcript

The threat of war crimes, the escalating violations of international humanitarian law and the human rights situation in El-Obeid, Sudan

Where available, remarks are AI-translated into English. Select the language badge to view the original.

Vote details

  • Paragraph 1 Plain-language guide Paragraph 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on El-Obeid war crimes approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning atrocities and demanding humanitarian access. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes and calling for humanitarian access. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 594 4 7 113
  • Paragraph 2 Plain-language guide Paragraph 2 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes and human rights violations in El-Obeid, Sudan, and calls for accountability. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes and human rights violations in Sudan and urging immediate accountability. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 594 2 122
  • Paragraph 3 Plain-language guide Paragraph 3 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This whole-motion vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes in El-Obeid, Sudan, and urging civilian protection. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position condemning Sudan war crimes and urging civilian protection. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 532 49 25 112
  • Paragraph 4 Plain-language guide Paragraph 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position and urges accountability for war crimes and human rights abuses in El-Obeid, Sudan. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position demanding accountability for war crimes and humanitarian relief in Sudan. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 570 10 20 118
  • Amendment 6 · After paragraph 3 Plain-language guide Amendment 6 · After paragraph 3 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on an unavailable amendment concerning Sudan lacks official source text for its policy content. What a Yes vote means Would add text to the resolution on Sudan based on the unverified amendment. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 172 431 4 111
  • Amendment 2 · After paragraph 4 Plain-language guide Amendment 2 · After paragraph 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would add after paragraph 4 of the Sudan war crimes resolution; the official amendment wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add the specified text after paragraph 4 of the Parliament motion. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 87 454 62 115
  • Paragraph 5, part 1 Plain-language guide Paragraph 5, part 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes in El-Obeid, Sudan, and demanding civilian protection. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's position demanding accountability for war crimes and humanitarian access in El-Obeid. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 583 1 19 115
  • Paragraph 5, part 2 Plain-language guide Paragraph 5, part 2 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes in El-Obeid and demanding humanitarian aid access. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position condemning Sudan war crimes and urging aid access. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 291 280 33 114
  • Paragraph 5, part 3 Plain-language guide Paragraph 5, part 3 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position on the crisis in El-Obeid, Sudan, highlighting accountability for war crimes and humanitarian access. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position, prioritising human rights protection, humanitarian aid access and accountability for war crimes. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 563 14 28 113
  • Paragraph 5, part 4 Plain-language guide Paragraph 5, part 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament’s non-binding position addressing war crimes, human rights violations, and humanitarian crises in El-Obeid, Sudan. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament’s non-binding position prioritizing accountability for human rights abuses and humanitarian aid access in Sudan. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 292 279 32 115
  • Paragraph 5, part 5 Plain-language guide Paragraph 5, part 5 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes in El-Obeid, Sudan, and demanding civilian protection. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position condemning Sudan war crimes and urging civilian protection. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 543 23 36 116
  • Amendment 3 · After paragraph 5 Plain-language guide Amendment 3 · After paragraph 5 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would replace the text after paragraph 5 with official wording that is currently unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would replace the text after paragraph 5 with official wording that is currently unavailable in the source bundle. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 85 445 68 120
  • Amendment 4 · After paragraph 5 Plain-language guide Amendment 4 · After paragraph 5 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on an unavailable amendment for El-Obeid, Sudan, modifies the joint motion text where official wording is missing. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text in the Sudan motion according to the unavailable amendment details. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 72 482 49 115
  • Amendment 5 · After paragraph 6 Plain-language guide Amendment 5 · After paragraph 6 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on an amendment after paragraph 6 of the Sudan resolution addresses human rights in El-Obeid, though its exact text is officially unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add a provision to Parliament's draft position for Sudan, though the specific wording is officially unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 100 404 94 120
  • Paragraph 7, part 1 Plain-language guide Paragraph 7, part 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes in El-Obeid, Sudan, and demanding accountability. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position condemning war crimes and rights violations in Sudan. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 580 2 17 119
  • Paragraph 7, part 2 Plain-language guide Paragraph 7, part 2 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote condemns ongoing war crimes, human rights abuses, and violations of international humanitarian law in El-Obeid, Sudan, and demands urgent humanitarian access. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position to condemn atrocities in Sudan, demand accountability for violations, and call for unimpeded aid access. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 281 285 31 121
  • Amendment 1 · After recital D Plain-language guide Amendment 1 · After recital D This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on an amendment after recital D of the resolution on El-Obeid, Sudan, lacks official source text, meaning its specific policy content is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add text whose official wording is unavailable in the parliamentary records. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 188 330 84 116
  • Final vote on the motion for a resolution Plain-language guide Final vote on the motion for a resolution This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position on the escalating humanitarian crisis and human rights violations in El-Obeid, Sudan. It calls for immediate action to protect civilians and address war crimes. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position and demand immediate civilian protection, accountability for war crimes, and humanitarian access in Sudan. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 476 28 96 118
2026-07-09B10-0345/2026Ongoing persecution of Christians in Nigeria, notably the Kawel village massacre

Discussion transcript

Ongoing persecution of Christians in Nigeria, notably the Kawel village massacre

Where available, remarks are AI-translated into English. Select the language badge to view the original.

Vote details

  • Amendment 2/1 · paragraph 1 Plain-language guide Amendment 2/1 · paragraph 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote concerns an unavailable amendment regarding the Kawel village massacre in Nigeria, as the official text is missing from the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would replace the text with the official paragraph, though the exact wording is unavailable in the official source bundle. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 177 412 8 121
  • Amendment 2/2 · paragraph 1 Plain-language guide Amendment 2/2 · paragraph 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 2/2 to paragraph 1 of the resolution on the Kawel village massacre addresses the ongoing persecution of Christians in Nigeria, though the exact official wording is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add the specified text to paragraph 1 concerning the resolution on the persecution of Christians in Nigeria, noting that the exact official wording is unavailable in the source bundle. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 190 402 4 122
  • Amendment 6/1 · paragraph 7 Plain-language guide Amendment 6/1 · paragraph 7 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment updates the resolution on the Kawel village massacre in Nigeria, but its exact wording is unavailable in the official sources. What a Yes vote means Would add an update to the resolution, though the precise text is missing from the official sources. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 194 392 9 123
  • Amendment 6/2 · paragraph 7 Plain-language guide Amendment 6/2 · paragraph 7 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official wording of amendment Am 6/2 for the resolution on persecution in Nigeria is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would replace the specified section of Parliament's draft position with the amendment's text, the exact wording of which is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 148 414 35 121
  • Amendment 4/1 · Recital C Plain-language guide Amendment 4/1 · Recital C This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would replace RC-B10-0345/2026/REV1 Recital C Am 4/1; official wording unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace RC-B10-0345/2026/REV1 Recital C Am 4/1; official wording unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 207 379 8 124
  • Amendment 4/2 · Recital C Plain-language guide Amendment 4/2 · Recital C This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official text for RC-B10-0345/2026/REV1 Recital C Amendment 4/2 is unavailable in the official source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would replace Recital C with the exact official amendment text, though the specific wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 133 422 40 123
  • Amendment 5 · Recital E Plain-language guide Amendment 5 · Recital E This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official text for Amendment 5 to Recital E of RC-B10-0345/2026/REV1 is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would add the text for Amendment 5. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 195 391 9 123
  • Amendment 1 · Recital E Plain-language guide Amendment 1 · Recital E This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on amendment 1 to recital E of the resolution on the Kawel village massacre has unavailable official wording in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text in recital E of the resolution on the Kawel village massacre, though the exact official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 176 412 3 127
  • Final vote on the motion for a resolution Plain-language guide Final vote on the motion for a resolution This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position condemning violence against Christians in Nigeria and urging protections. It calls on Nigerian authorities to investigate the Kawel village massacre and safeguard vulnerable communities. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's position condemning Nigerian Christian persecution and calling for accountability and protection. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 510 1 86 121
2026-07-09B10-0346/2026The abduction, forced conversion and child marriage of Maria Shahbaz and the protection of girls in Pakistan

Discussion transcript

The abduction, forced conversion and child marriage of Maria Shahbaz and the protection of girls in Pakistan

Where available, remarks are AI-translated into English. Select the language badge to view the original.

Vote details

  • Amendment 1 · After paragraph 3 Plain-language guide Amendment 1 · After paragraph 3 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on an unavailable amendment concerning Maria Shahbaz in Pakistan lacks official text in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add text to the motion, though the exact substantive wording is missing from the official records. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 301 281 14 122
  • Amendment 5 · paragraph 6 Plain-language guide Amendment 5 · paragraph 6 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description For amendment 5 to paragraph 6 of the motion on the protection of girls in Pakistan, the official wording is unavailable. What a Yes vote means Would replace the text at paragraph 6 as the official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 312 248 27 131
  • Amendment 6 · paragraph 7 Plain-language guide Amendment 6 · paragraph 7 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Amendment 6 to paragraph 7 of the motion on Maria Shahbaz lacks official text in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text in paragraph 7 of the motion on Maria Shahbaz. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 334 231 29 124
  • Amendment 3 · Recital B Plain-language guide Amendment 3 · Recital B This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description The official wording of Amendment 3 to Recital B in the Pakistan girls protection resolution is unavailable in the source bundle. What a Yes vote means Would add the text specified in Amendment 3, though the exact official wording is unavailable in the source documents. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 310 261 21 126
  • Amendment 4 · After recital D Plain-language guide Amendment 4 · After recital D This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote on Amendment 4 concerning the protection of girls in Pakistan lacks available official text. What a Yes vote means Would add or replace text in the draft resolution, though the specific official wording is unavailable. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 480 77 32 129
2026-07-09A10-0167/2026Feasibility of a 28th tax regime and its potential to support EU competitiveness

Discussion transcript

Feasibility of a 28th tax regime and its potential to support EU competitiveness

Where available, remarks are AI-translated into English. Select the language badge to view the original.
Portrait of Christel SCHALDEMOSE (Chair)

Christel SCHALDEMOSE (Chair)

The next item is the debate on the report by Ľudovít Ódor, on behalf of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs, on the feasibility of a 28th tax regime and its potential to support EU competitiveness (2025/2211(INI)) (A10-0167/2026).

I would like to remind speakers that, given the test measures currently in place and the fixed end time of debate, strict observance to speaking time will be required for all of you. Thank you very much for your understanding.
Portrait of Ľudovít ÓDOR

Ľudovít ÓDOR

Dear President, Commissioner, colleagues, Europe is facing a new geopolitical and economic reality. Rules matter less than they once did. Power and scale matters more. In this context, our single market remains one of the most underutilised assets at our disposal. The European Union is clearly punching below its weight. We are failing to fully leverage the strength that comes with providing access to a market of 450 million consumers.

The evidence is striking: among the world's 50 largest companies by market capitalisation, only one is European. In 2025, Europe had just 331 unicorns, compared with almost 2 000 in the United States. Since 2008, nearly 30 % of European unicorns have relocated their headquarters outside the EU. Venture capital investment in Europe amounts to around EUR 30 billion, compared with USD 177 billion in the United States. The million dollar question is, why? The answer, from my perspective, is twofold. First, the EU lacks sufficient high risk investments due to the absence of a genuine savings and investment union. Second, even in areas requiring lower-risk investment, we underperform because of fragmentation.

What are the main obstacles to cross-border growth? When we ask SMEs, start-ups and scale-ups, they consistently identify three major challenges. First, navigating different business environment across Member States. Second, the complexity of accessing information, understanding rules and complying with administrative procedure. Third, taxation.

I welcome the Commission's proposal for an 'EU Inc.'. It really represents an important first step towards creating a genuine single market for start-ups and scale-ups. Its objective is to enable companies to operate seamlessly across borders without unnecessary barriers. However, the proposal is not ambitious enough, as it focuses primarily on corporate law. This presents two shortcomings. First, without addressing the entire lifecycle of a company, its impact will inevitably remain limited. Second, the proposal should draw more extensively on successful international best practices.

In our report, we advocate a modular approach that builds on the corporate law framework as its foundation. At the same time, to ensure political feasibility, the tax module should initially apply only to a limited group of companies such as growth oriented start-ups and scale-ups. These companies usually generate only a marginal share of overall tax revenues.

I would like to highlight a few points from the report. First, we propose a framework based on fully digital procedures, a one-stop shop, harmonised templates. Second, we call for a single consolidated corporate tax base and the uniform methodology for determining taxable income. Third, we propose effective measures to eliminate double taxation. Fourth, we support the creation of a centralised VAT framework. Fifth, we recommend introducing a mandatory employee stock option. Sixth, we call for targeted rules to provide tax certainty for employees moving between Member States. Finally, we encourage better coordination of tax incentives across the union.

Dubravka Šuica

Madam President, honourable Members, in March this year, the Commission adopted the proposal for the 28th regime corporate legal framework – 'EU Inc.'. The 'EU Inc.' initiative is a key measure aimed at enhancing Europe's competitiveness and improving the business environment for EU companies. As part of the broader instrument, it includes limited ancillary tax measures designed to support businesses.

As you know, the 'EU Inc.' proposal is based on five main pillars. First, digital-by-default procedures throughout the lifecycle of 'EU Inc.' companies. Second, extension of the 'once only' principle for provision of information. Third, facilitation of investment. Fourth, support for the attraction and retention of talent. And fifth, access to digital and simplified insolvency procedures for innovative start‑ups.

I am pleased to address you today at the occasion of the debate of the own initiative, which is, of course, a different subject entirely. We thank the European Parliament, in particular MEP Ľudovít Ódor and his team for the important work. We are pleased to see that the report welcomes the Commission proposal on 'EU Inc.'. The message we received from stakeholders was clear: companies need EU‑wide rules that are harmonised and simple. Companies also pointed to the need for more digital processes in Europe. The 'EU Inc.' proposal responds to these needs. It provides for an ambitious, harmonised corporate legal framework which will be available in each Member State for both founders and existing companies.

From a tax perspective, the proposal already includes two concrete, but strictly ancillary, measures:

First, the application of the 'once only' principle to reduce the administrative burden on 'EU Inc.' companies. This means that, in the registration process, the 'EU Inc.' information submitted to the business register will be automatically shared with tax authorities in view of obtaining the tax identification number (TIN) and the VAT identification number. There will be no need for 'EU Inc.' companies to resubmit paperwork multiple times.

Second is a tax deferral for employee stock options to support the ability of 'EU Inc.' to attract and retain talent. This means that employees investing in an 'EU Inc.' through an EU employee stock option plan will benefit from a simpler scheme with a harmonised set of characteristics. From the tax perspective, it also means that the employees to whom warrants under the stock option plan are issued will not be taxed until the actual sale of the underlying shares. The tax elements in the 'EU Inc.' proposal strike exactly the right balance. They deliver highly targeted and practical measures that support our broader objective, but by enabling businesses to reap the full benefit of the single market, while respecting Member States' competences in tax matters.

The own‑initiative report highlights the room for simplification. We agree with that. We also concur that there is room for additional and more targeted harmonisation, as you rightly said, of tax matters to improve the business environment in the single market. So we can we can improve this.
Portrait of Luděk NIEDERMAYER

Luděk NIEDERMAYER

Madam President, the Commission proposal for the creation of the 28th regime is one of the most visible, important and possibly impactful proposals that we have got on the table in this term. It would make the single market much stronger and it will provide start-ups and scale-ups with a better framework on how to keep their activity within the EU, because this is a very substantial problem.

We have in Europe excellent education. We are rich in ideas and innovations. We have entrepreneurship, but unfortunately most of the companies, when they are starting to take off and are on the way to success, they are leaving our market. The Commission proposal that is now being discussed is a first step towards creating such a regime. Digitalisation is very good because it will provide companies with a simplified environment. A key component is clarity in the regime of employees' shares.

This is a very good proposal and I just call on our House and the Council not to water it down: make it stronger and pass it quickly. But this is by far not enough, especially for scale-ups to stay in Europe. Better to have a tax regime that will simplify life, especially for the companies operating across several Member States. Clarity of taxation, avoidance of double taxation, a good regime for R&D expenditures and many other aspects are very important to enable them to stay in our market. So that's why we will ask today the House to vote for the proposal that will allow all of this.

We opt for the CCCTB to simplify the life of companies operating across the market. We call for reducing the risk of double taxation and the creation of uncertainty, and for the expenditures to be dealt with. This is the way to create a genuine market for successful start-ups in Europe; to allow them to flourish, but also allow European investors to invest safely in these companies and not go abroad. I hope we will we will succeed in that, and I hope the Commission will come with more modules that will make this regime more usable and richer.
Portrait of Bruno GONÇALVES

Bruno GONÇALVES

Madam President, dear colleagues, we are living in a historic moment. And, as Mario Draghi warned us, the European Union is moving towards a new era of competitiveness, or we risk falling behind definitively. And that is why today we challenge 27 Member States representing 450 million people, but also 450 million consumers.

This is the first sign so that start-ups, small and medium-sized enterprises in Europe that want to grow can innovate and create jobs. Instead of 27 bureaucratic regimes, we advocate the creation of an alternative pathway that allows operating immediately in all countries, in an agile and fast way.

This is the time to put an end to the national egoisms that prevent a less complex, but inevitably also more effective tax system; with less paperwork, but also less tax evasion.

This 28th regime is not meant to circumvent the rules and, therefore, we make it clear that social protections, namely labor protections for the worker, remain alive, and that tax planning schemes are avoided. Neither social dumping, nor fiscal dumping, nor the ability to fill out paperwork can define which are the most competitive companies in the European Union.

So that start-ups and small family businesses can compete with the most powerful ones, we need to offer them ways to attract talent and retain the brightest. It was precisely for this reason that we accepted, agreed, and negotiated a modernization of labor income, admitting that workers' stock options should not suffer a penalty compared to investors who buy and sell shares. This is indeed defending workers, defending the youngest, but this is also a new labor agenda for the youngest.

This incentive is a specific and isolated case, but one that should motivate us for a broader reflection. What sense does it make to tax a worker more who decided to invest in themselves and a promising start-up than a speculator who just buys and sells shares? The answer is very simple: it makes no sense at all.

The moment and the desire is for the Commission and the Council to work on this great challenge and for us to begin thinking about the great challenge that is the common European challenge.
Portrait of Enikő GYŐRI

Enikő GYŐRI

Madam President! It is not by chance that tax policy falls within the competence of member states. The treaties clearly respect national fiscal sovereignty, the differing economic endowments of the member states, and fair competition. Yet the Parliament's grand coalition, from the left to the People's Party, is making repeated attempts to hollow out this competence. This report is not really about competitiveness. This is a master plan for the gradual dismantling of member state tax policy. First, a voluntarily applicable so-called 28th taxation regime would be introduced. This would be followed by a harmonized corporate tax base, which has already failed several times before, and finally, qualified majority voting would be introduced for certain tax matters. This clearly goes against the treaties and the principle of unanimity, which serves precisely to preserve the sovereign tax policies of the member states. Tax competition between member states is not a problem, but a strength. It encourages governments to operate a more efficient state with a more attractive business environment and responsible management in order to keep European companies in Europe.

Today, the problem is not caused by differing corporate tax systems, but by high energy prices and still-growing bureaucracy. These are the issues that should be addressed, rather than confiscating further competencies from the member states. Moreover, the report would shape the system of tax allowances on an ideological basis: they would be tied to politically preferred green investments, while sidelining the development of many traditional, currently competitive European industries. The task of tax policy is not to reward ideological goals, but to stimulate investment, create jobs, and strengthen businesses. We, Patriots, want a Europe that preserves the tax sovereignty of member states and strengthens economic competition through freedom rather than centralization. Not a Europe where Brussels institutions are constantly busy increasing their own power.
Portrait of Giovanni CROSETTO

Giovanni CROSETTO

Madam President, honourable colleagues, the issues of simplification and tax harmonisation are fundamental when we speak about the competitiveness of our enterprises.

For example, in Italy we have just transposed the global minimum tax to bring the principle of tax harmonisation into the area of corporate income tax.

We agree, for example, that start-ups could be precisely the right target for this initiative, given the large gap we must bridge in terms of investments to try to transform start-ups into scale-ups.

However, we do not agree that there is a need to move to qualified majority voting, because if these proposals are truly made in the interest of enterprises, we are certain that all Member States unanimously will agree.
Portrait of Gilles BOYER

Gilles BOYER

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, Mr Rapporteur Ódor, this text is an important founding text to enable our SMEs, our mid-sized companies and innovative players to operate fully on the scale of the single market, by limiting administrative formalities and obstacles to development within the European Union – all companies wishing to have an activity in several countries of the European Union must be able to do so without hindrance.

By facilitating access to capital, by offering a more predictable environment, this text takes an essential step. Obviously, the fragmentation of our tax systems remains a major obstacle, in particular for cross-border activities. This text is therefore only a first step. Complementary reforms will be necessary, which will pave the way – I hope, we hope, many of us hope here – towards essential tax harmonisation for the development of our markets.
Portrait of Kira Marie PETER-HANSEN

Kira Marie PETER-HANSEN

Madam President, thank you very much, first of all, to the rapporteur of this file. Europe needs companies that can grow, innovate and compete across borders. For too many start-ups and scale-ups, the single market still feels too fragmented, too complicated and too slow.

To counteract this, I think we all agree that we must ensure harmonisation of the single market. But, in the pursuit of harmonisation, it is very important that it doesn't become deregulation. Because when we create a new European tax framework, it must not become a shortcut for companies looking to avoid their responsibilities. It must not become another loophole in a system that is already too easy to exploit for those with the best lawyers and the best accountants.

That is why we, from the Greens/EFA side, have insisted on clear safeguards, because a 28th tax regime should support real economic activity, not artificial structures. It should help European start-ups and scale-ups, not large corporations shopping for the lowest obligations.

And it should go hand in hand with workers' rights, social protection and upward convergence. Because Europe's competitiveness cannot be built on tax avoidance, weaker standards or a race to the bottom. It must be built on fairness and transparency. That is the balance that we have worked for in this report, and that is the balance that Europe needs.

I would like to thank the rapporteur again for the good cooperation, and I hope a broad majority will support this today in the plenary.
Portrait of Jussi SARAMO

Jussi SARAMO

Mr President, those who benefit most from our system should also contribute most to its financing. However, the largest companies and their wealthiest owners pay the least amount of tax. This is not a law of nature, this is the result of political decisions: taxation is full of loopholes.

It is indeed a real problem that we have one market, but 27 tax systems, each country with its own. The largest corporations exploit this fragmentation to evade taxes. That is a problem for the financing of welfare states, but also for smaller companies that do not have the resources for tax bureaucracy.

But does it help if we create yet another, 28th tax system? It would be more sensible to harmonise the technical systems so that a growth company could handle its taxes through a single window without bureaucracy. Member states could continue to decide the level of taxation, as long as they do not fall below the OECD minimum levels – hopefully in the future UN minimum levels, which would be higher than the current ones.

If the 28th tax system is built, its sole objective must be to facilitate business growth across member state borders. We on the left do not accept any arrangement aimed at reducing taxation. I am voting in favour of the report currently under consideration because it recognises the dangers and demands accountability from the Commission. And I too want to thank the rapporteur and shadow rapporteur for very good, constructive cooperation.
Portrait of Fernando NAVARRETE ROJAS

Fernando NAVARRETE ROJAS

Madam President, Commissioner, a 28th tax regime for start-ups and scale-ups has the potential to help these companies have better funding options and have access to larger markets to expand and innovate.

This can help Europe move away from the medium-technology trap that is currently keeping the EU's economy behind. To keep up globally, we need far more disruption and innovation in our economy. That is how a prosperous future for all is built.

That is why I want to encourage the Commission to act with ambition to use this new single market integrating tool to the fullest, expanding its application to the largest possible scope of firms and topical areas. This is a testbed for what this new tool can deliver to culminate a common market that IMF data is showing is far away from completion.

Let me close with a new potential disruptive application of the 28th regime, namely, bringing with legal certainty the full potential of DLT technology and tokenisation to the very core of our financial system to reduce costs and increase the scale and speed.

This is an area where Europe could get a double dividend. Firstly, new financial markets that would be pan-European from the start, avoiding current fragmentation, and secondly, a first-mover advantage that could attract global liquidity.

Commissioner, the name of the game is ambition. Act here.
Portrait of Jonás FERNÁNDEZ

Jonás FERNÁNDEZ

Madam President, Commissioner, this parliamentary term we have focused one of the major debates, at least in the economic field, on the objective of improving the competitiveness of the European economy.

In these two years of the parliamentary term we have discussed various initiatives to try to simplify, adapt and improve regulatory frameworks. But we have truly been lacking in ambition when it comes to tackling the central challenge to truly raise competitiveness: putting an end to the fragmentation of the single market.

It is hard to understand how Europeans could have agreed to have a shared monetary policy and yet, year after year, we have been unable to agree on having a tax policy or a fiscal policy to accompany the development of that single market and to help, at the same time, remove national barriers.

In this regard, the initiative to have a twenty-eighth regime—which in this Parliament is being led by my colleague René Repasi—is central to putting an end to these national barriers, to offering companies and workers a space in which to grow, in which to offer services and goods throughout the single market. This report—I want to congratulate the rapporteur—which addresses the taxation matter approaches the issue from a new perspective—a new contribution—to a discussion that, as I say, is central.

If we want to raise the competitiveness of the European economy, consolidating the single market is the essential path.
Portrait of Pierre PIMPIE

Pierre PIMPIE

Madam President, dear colleagues, I do not refute the effects of market fragmentation within the EU on the competitiveness of businesses. But the EU must not seize upon every flaw, every pretext to advance its agenda and defy the principle of the fiscal and social sovereignty of States.

It is the EU that undermines the competitiveness of businesses through its energy policies. It is the EU that destabilizes social systems through its migration injunctions. It is the EU that produces most of the standards that paralyze activity. It is therefore the EU that must consent to the simplification effort, without this amounting to flouting the States. Via the 28th regime, what is presented as optional could become the Trojan horse of a forced-march fiscal and social Europe.

We do not want the EU to provide false solutions to the problems it has created. The EU embodies the aphorism that "the road to hell is paved with good intentions." However, we want Europe to liberate itself.
Portrait of Marlena MALĄG

Marlena MALĄG

Madam President! It was supposed to be a simplification for businesses. What do we have? Federalist ambitions. Under the slogans of competitiveness and facilitation, an attempt is being made to deprive states of one of their most important prerogatives – tax policy. Why? To appropriate tax revenues, turn them into the European Union's own resources, make the Commission independent of Member State contributions, and create one huge EU budget. A budget from which Brussels will arbitrarily, under an increasing number of conditions, distribute funds.

This has nothing to do with state sovereignty and the competences enshrined in the treaties. Brussels is taking it step by step. Let me remind you: VAT harmonization, administrative cooperation, corporate taxes, windfall taxes. This is nothing other than centralization and building Brussels' position as a superstate.

There is no and will not be our consent to this. There is no consent to a fiscal union, there is no consent to depriving states of their treaty-based competences. We will not allow the Federal Republic of Europe to be built through the back door.
Portrait of Ana VASCONCELOS

Ana VASCONCELOS

Madam President, Commissioner and colleagues, the EU's single market is bigger than the US's, with roughly 100 million more consumers. Yet our businesses struggle to grow because the market is really a patchwork of 27 fragmented legal systems that suffocate any small business that attempts to navigate it.

We often boast about having more start-ups than the US. Yet 1 in 3 of them move abroad – mainly to America – just to have a chance to grow.

The 28th regime is one of the most urgent steps to fix this. An optional European framework that businesses are free to choose. Quick, simplified, fully digital registration automatically valid in every Member State with common rules for incorporation, insolvency and labour.

On tax, it generally takes the right approach – harmonising procedures while leaving tax decisions to Member States. As we advance, it is crucial that the fiscal autonomy of Member States remains respected.

This is one very important step for our competitiveness. Let's deliver it urgently and ambitiously.
Portrait of Virginijus SINKEVIČIUS

Virginijus SINKEVIČIUS

Madam President, dear colleagues. Europe is not short of talented people, nor of impressive companies and success stories. In Lithuania alone, we have more than one: whether it is Nord Security, Vinted, or carVertical. Each of them is a success story. However, for them to grow, they needed to jump over different barriers. Well, our single market – which is our greatest achievement – cannot be fragmented, and every time you want to grow and expand, you encounter 27 different regimes. Therefore, this discussion is very necessary, but it must lead to real practical steps. First of all, let us start not with talk about taxes, but with a single digital window for company registration. Then that same window, without any doubt, can also be used to declare those same taxes. And, of course, one clear value-added tax regime. There can be no duplication of procedures between member states. And without any doubt, clear rules on talent. There are not many of them, so companies must have the freedom to share them.
Portrait of Marc BOTENGA

Marc BOTENGA

Madam President, I think that we cannot separate the two proposals of the so-called "28th regime" – or "Europe Inc.". So, we must look at the concrete problems we are facing today in terms of taxation.

A first one is, obviously, tax avoidance and tax evasion, which today, according to conservative estimates, can reach up to 200 billion euros at the European level. The second problem is that, obviously, this often happens through shell companies, through "letterbox" companies and other small techniques, tax tricks.

However, the question is: are we going to have a proposal today that will allow us to combat this, to combat this shortfall for the State, and therefore the lack of budget to invest in our infrastructure – and it is this infrastructure that will make it possible to have an industry, to have innovation, for precisely a Europe that you call competitive in your dogmas?

Or are we going to do the opposite and destroy further, and offer more tax backdoors to companies that will create small businesses to bypass the rules?
Portrait of Lefteris NIKOLAOU-ALAVANOS

Lefteris NIKOLAOU-ALAVANOS

Madam President, the so-called "28th regime" is stepping up the enhancement of the profitability of business groups. Through a single framework at the European Union level and providing for the simplification of procedures, it unleashes the cross-border activity of European monopolies in order to attract investment by pooling capital against competitors from China and the USA. With the tax unit, it foreshadows new tax reliefs for capital, which in Greece are even constitutionally enshrined; new gifts to the groups, which are accumulating record profits at the expense of the working people's income and are budgeting for over 1,000,000 sales. A prerequisite is to compress workers' rights to the limits of the fiscal tolerances of costed programmes, since the European Union cynically demands the linking of wages to business profitability.

The plan is custom-made according to the Draghi report, which was welcomed by New Democracy, Tsipras, PASOK and the other bourgeois parties in Greece. The working people must turn their backs, and choose organized struggle for their own modern needs, against the European Union of monopolies and their governments.
Portrait of Lídia PEREIRA

Lídia PEREIRA

Madam President, today, a European company that wants to grow in the European space does not just find a market, it finds 27. It is confronted with dozens of different corporate forms, and distinct tax and legal systems.

Dear colleagues, last week, I promoted the EPP Startup/Scaleup Summit in this Parliament. We welcomed founders, managers, and investors to debate the barriers to the growth of European companies. The conclusion was clear: we lack a market that is truly single.

"EU Inc.", the 28th regime, solves part of this problem, but it must be viewed only as the first step. We also need to intervene in taxation and improve access to capital conditions. Data shows us that about 82% of startups that manage to scale end up moving to the United States looking for financing.

And that is why this report is ambitious, but necessary. And that is also why I ask the Commission and the Council (which, unfortunately, is not here in this debate) for commitment and speed so that it is possible to close an agreement on this matter by the end of the year.

Because, if we continue to delay, it is not competitiveness that will wait for us, it is Europeans who will fall behind.
Portrait of Matthias ECKE

Matthias ECKE

Madam President, dear colleagues! A local start-up pays its taxes where it operates economically, but a global corporation can often shift its profits to where it is most tax-favourable. That is an imbalance that we naturally do not want to exacerbate with the 28th regime. Therefore, our position is clear: Yes to the 28th regime for more competitiveness, to deepen the single market and to keep and strengthen our innovative companies here in Europe, but no to tax dumping through the back door.

We do not want any new loopholes, no circumvention of binding protection standards and no erosion of our tax base. We want harmonization, a common corporate tax base and also more effective measures against tax avoidance. Therefore, it is also good that the report calls for examining the transition to qualified majority voting in parts of international tax policy, because that is exactly the institutional further development that we need.
Portrait of Angéline FURET

Angéline FURET

Madam President, our continent is falling behind. Faced with unfair competition from China and the United States, our industry is retreating and our businesses are suffocating under the weight of your regulations. Faced with this economic decline, what does this report propose? Yet another bureaucratic invention: the creation of a 28th tax regime.

We are being sold a supposedly optional framework to simplify the lives of our cross-border businesses. But no one is fooled. This 28th regime is a Trojan horse.

Sitting on the Committee on Budgets, I know your strategy inside out. Behind this technical jargon lies your federalist obsession of always bypassing member states, destroying our fiscal sovereignty and laying the first stone of a major direct European tax. Instead of easing the burden crushing our SMEs, you are adding a 28th bureaucratic monstrosity. This is Brussels's evil par excellence: responding to a crisis caused by technocracy by inventing even more technocracy – instead of further easing that burden. True competitiveness cannot be decreed with federal arrangements.

Faced with this disaster, we demand a clear break. If you really want to save our jobs, introduce strict European preference. Instead of inventing new taxes, protect our industries against Asian dumping. Instead of punishing our businesses with your green dictates, restore economic freedom to our nations. The right to levy taxes is the beating heart of our sovereignty. We will never let you steal it from us!
Portrait of Guillaume PELTIER

Guillaume PELTIER

Madam President, against your socialist tax buffoonery, I choose poetry:

"A bee, at dawn's uprising,

Visited a thousand flowers.

The pollen became treasure.

Honey flowed.

The entire hive, workers and queens, lived.

In exemplary order.

A hornet appeared.

Round belly.

Coming from Brussels or Paris.

Escorted by a thousand bumblebees.

Your honey is fine: I levy from you.

A tax on wax,

The tithe on your sap.

A tax on your hive.

A toll on the sun.

The octroi for your wings.

The royalty for your sleep.

The bee, weary of the scandal:

What is the use of so many loyal works.

If my work mostly feeds.

He who produces not a single penny?

Clemenceau said it: "France is a fertile country".

Bureaucratic and servile killjoys are planted there.

Taxes grow there every day, invented by fools.

Fortunately, one risks losing by wanting to tax too much.

And he who thought he could take without working is always caught.

You are a thousand tax collectors.

We are millions of producers.

Smaller but more numerous.

We will drive out the hornets.

For here is the hour of the counter-revolution!"
Portrait of Per CLAUSEN

Per CLAUSEN

Madam President! It sounds good when we talk about better access to capital, better competitiveness, and clear and easy-to-understand rules. All that sounds good.

But we must remember that it is also about combating tax evasion, shell companies, other abuse of the tax system, and financial crime – also for the benefit of the companies that behave honorably.

And if we get a system here that is used for tax evasion, for tax competition, and for undermining workers' rights, then it is certainly going in the wrong direction. It is also important to maintain that we need tax revenues in the member states because there is a bill to be paid. And if the tax base is eroded, we risk that it is the wage earners and welfare that will have to pay. So the crucial thing is how do we design these rules? Do these rules protect us against tax cheating and fraud, or are they rules that open up for it? That is really important to us.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)
Portrait of Arkadiusz MULARCZYK

Arkadiusz MULARCZYK

Mr. MP, I have a question: do you think that this proposed tax regime will not actually become the first step towards limiting the fiscal and financial sovereignty of the member states of the European Union? Is this not a stage aimed at tax harmonization, but in fact it is the first step to force other European Union countries in the future to also adopt such a form of taxation? Will this not lead to a situation in the future where it will limit the ability of European Union countries to pursue their own fiscal policy?
Portrait of Per CLAUSEN

Per CLAUSEN

Thank you for that question. It is a very relevant question. There must be no doubt that I am opposed to making a harmonization of the tax system in the EU.

I still believe that there must be national sovereignty in relation to that, and that will also be included in my assessment of the proposal which is up for adoption here today, which contains very, very many good and sensible elements.

However, I agree that we run the risk that such a system can be used to hollow out the member states' sovereignty and ability to determine their own tax revenues themselves, and thus also have the opportunity to themselves decide the level of tax and the level of what should be in a country.
Portrait of Fabio DE MASI

Fabio DE MASI

Madam President! Our companies are under pressure, not because of national taxation, but because energy prices are too high, because our infrastructure is dilapidated, and above all because large US tech corporations often pay less than 1% tax on their profits in Europe, while our SMEs pay up to 30% in the single market.

I have my doubts as to whether we will get this problem under control by creating a 28th tax regime alongside the 27 national tax laws, which would then also allow Apple, Amazon, or Coca-Cola to pick the most attractive tax law in Europe in the future.

Instead, we should have closer cooperation between the large member states—France, Spain, Italy; that is where Apple wants to sell its iPhone, not in the Caribbean or in Luxembourg—and finally enforce source taxes or punitive taxes on financial flows into tax havens. With that, we would fight back, also against the blackmail by Donald Trump; then the tech oligarchs would be on his doorstep, and we could protect our SMEs.
Portrait of Michalis HADJIPANTELA

Michalis HADJIPANTELA

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, Europe's competitiveness does not depend solely on innovation. 27 different national authorities create towering obstacles, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises. Setting up a successful business with international growth potential requires a favorable and simple business environment. The 28th regime is the European response to the complexity of the single market. It is the possibility of setting up a company at the European level, in a single framework with less bureaucracy, simpler procedures, and greater legal certainty.

It is imperative to create an environment that encourages innovation, promotes investment, and develops European businesses. The 28th regime is Europe's broader offering, so that innovative companies can secure access to financing, operate seamlessly regardless of borders, and secure a clear and predictable legal framework. The essential political message is that Europe needs increased simplification and stronger unity with a very clear orientation. One Europe, one single market.
Portrait of René REPASI

René REPASI

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues! EU Inc. is an important proposal for our single market, and I am in full agreement with our colleague Niedermayer from the Christian Democrats on this. We must dare to have more single market. If we dare to have more single market, this means, on the one hand, more liberalization, but at the same time European protection standards. We truly do not need a competition in dumping where national protection standards and national tax laws are pitted against each other in competition, because only one party loses in that scenario—and that is the public interest.

The dangers that arise for workers from unlimited competition between national legal systems are the same for tax legal systems, namely a race to the bottom. Ľudovít Ódor's report finds the right tone here: no discrimination in the tax sector for EU Inc., because otherwise the idea will end up in the trash can very quickly. But we also need clear protection standards so that there is no further harmful tax competition in our European Union.

As the rapporteur for the legislative procedure, I expressly welcome the text. EU Inc. must become a quality seal and not another vehicle for dumping.
Portrait of Julie RECHAGNEUX

Julie RECHAGNEUX

Madam President, the 28th regime is not a simple tool of competitiveness, it is a real political project. It is the creation of a new European legal order, without a people, without a territory, but with its own rules. We are told that it will be optional, that national codes will not be abolished, but you know very well that they will gradually become useless. This is the new method of European integration: you no longer officially remove powers from member states, you organize their circumvention. Today, it is company law. Tomorrow it may be taxation, the day after tomorrow labor law, and it will always officially be in the name of competitiveness.

You are fooling no one. As is often the case, it is a Federalist flight forward. European competitiveness will never be built against nations. It will be built with states free to decide their rules, their taxation, and their economic model. The European peoples have never voted for a 28th state and they do not want one any more today.
Portrait of Gheorghe PIPEREA

Gheorghe PIPEREA

Madam President, this 28th regime is a veiled federalization of the European Union. It is a project that defies the sovereignty of the European Union's nations and the principle of subsidiarity. Through the fiscal module added to the project, an attempt is also being made to bypass the unanimity principle in order to introduce the majority rule through the back door.

The 28th regime means a set of parallel rules that large companies can choose when it suits them. What company would not prefer a fiscal and social regime that is favorable, more favorable? The harmonization of company law does not mean a legal, social, and fiscal regime that denies the legal systems of the 27 member states. The proposed fiscal model will undermine all 27 member states' tax regimes and, socially, will cause dumping, social dumping, and unemployment.

Companies, labor law, and taxation must remain competences of the member states. Competitiveness cannot be reduced to a segment of companies that choose the 28th regime.
Portrait of Isabel BENJUMEA BENJUMEA

Isabel BENJUMEA BENJUMEA

Madam President, Commissioner, according to the International Monetary Fund, Europe's internal barriers are equivalent to a cost similar to a 44% tariff for goods and 110% for services.

A company that wants to grow in Europe faces 27 different legal frameworks, to which must be added regional disparities within the Member State itself. That means more costs, more time spent on regulatory compliance instead of innovating, investing, growing, and creating jobs.

Madam President, Europe does not have a talent problem or a lack of ambition. There are too many obstacles and a lack of an environment that facilitates expansion and attracts investment. That is why the twenty-eighth regime represents an opportunity. Of course, it must be a voluntary, digital, flexible instrument that provides legal certainty and reduces administrative burdens.

If we manage to reduce this fragmentation, attract more private capital, promote entrepreneurship, and allow our companies to be born, grow, and stay in Europe, this regime will have succeeded.

(The speaker agrees to take a blue-card question)
Portrait of Bogdan RZOŃCA

Bogdan RZOŃCA

I would like to ask you a question because I liked your speech. You spoke a lot about investments. It is very important to me that the EPP notices this problem.

Therefore, I would like to ask your opinion, because right now there is a group of countries in the European Union that state outright that if in the new budget for 2028-2034 we implement the principle of "do no significant harm to the natural environment", many industries in the European Union will not benefit from the budget. We will stop being competitive compared to China and India. What do you think about that? Are those who say that all industries should be allowed into the budget in the new perspective and access to it should not be restricted right?
Portrait of Isabel BENJUMEA BENJUMEA

Isabel BENJUMEA BENJUMEA

Your question is about the multiannual financial framework. I understand that you are referring to the European Competitiveness Fund. It is a debate that is open and it is not the debate we are having here.

I am referring to the importance of attracting investments. One of the most important problems we have in Europe is the mobilization of private investment, both savings and attracting foreign investment for our companies. That is the reference I am making.

An important debate remains, of course, around the financial framework, around the European Competitiveness Fund, how to structure it, what priorities it should have and to which priorities it should be allocated. And, of course, I will be delighted to have it with you when the time comes.
Portrait of Vytenis Povilas ANDRIUKAITIS

Vytenis Povilas ANDRIUKAITIS

Madam President, today we are debating the 28th regime for innovative start‑ups and scale‑ups. But underneath this report lies a bigger question: what do we do when 27 national tax systems slow down innovations? If we cannot have full taxation harmonisation, we need a common European layer so that our innovative start-up and scale-ups no longer have to fight 27 tax administrations to grow. It is a sensible answer.

I ask all of us to remember it also when we discuss biotech, health and start-up issues. The same fragmentation is burdening a patient waiting for multi-country clinical trials, or an innovative company wanting to create new medicines. If a single base can serve our companies, it must also serve our people who need innovative medicines, available only through multi-country clinical trials. We know what to do. The question is whether we will act for innovative biotech start-ups today and for patients waiting for innovative treatment tomorrow.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)
Portrait of Ondřej DOSTÁL

Ondřej DOSTÁL

Dear colleague, I heard your arguments. They are important, but I want to raise a question.

My country's health system is very generous, but also highly dependent on taxes and social payments, which the companies pay according to our Czech law. Do you think you can guarantee that this new 28th tax regime would not deprive our nice national system of its income?
Portrait of Vytenis Povilas ANDRIUKAITIS

Vytenis Povilas ANDRIUKAITIS

My answer is clear: no. We need to understand now, and we need to encourage Member States to cooperate. Cross-border Healthcare Directive requires cooperation. An open method of coordination requires cooperation. Mutual recognition requires cooperation, and of course, also possibilities to encourage Member States to understand that a single market can deliver treatment to people and organise access to treatment. This is reality. We need to move into that direction.
Portrait of Antonella SBERNA

Antonella SBERNA

Madam President, honourable colleagues, in our territories there are thousands of small businesses that every day waste time and resources on bureaucracy, instead of dedicating them to growing, hiring and innovating.

The 28th regime must be forged as a tool aimed at simplifying the lives of those who invest, produce and create jobs. And this is the primary objective that we all share. But for it to be effective, the tool must remain voluntary, it must not create complexities that would otherwise become unmanageable for Member States and would therefore hinder the intentions that we all commonly have.

Today, I think we must think about creating the conditions to increase European competitiveness and added value, and the text we are voting on today risks being a source of ideas that would instead deteriorate competences which it is dangerous to centralise and take away from national sectors. Harmonisation of tax bases, overcoming unanimity in tax matters, labour law and co-determination are all elements that risk derailing a noble and potentially very useful project.

Therefore, I invite you to focus on what businesses are asking for, such as a European VAT number, a single digital register and, overall, streamlined and operational procedures. Let us not create obstacles to this path even before it takes off.
Portrait of Paulius SAUDARGAS

Paulius SAUDARGAS

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the European single market still feels like 27 separate islands when our companies try to scale. Europe is not losing competitiveness because we lack innovation, but because our market is too fragmented. Different rules, different forms and procedures, different tax systems. The 28th regime could be a flexible solution.

My home country, Lithuania, has already proven that a flexible regulatory environment creates a massive competitive advantage. Look at our fintech sector: in 2018 it was just starting, and by 2025, over 250 companies were thriving. We had what European companies need. One trusted digital entry point. A single legal company form valid across the entire Union. Clear rules and a unified tax base for cross-border activities.

Let's listen to them. Let's make it easier for European companies to grow at home, not elsewhere.
Portrait of Rihards KOLS

Rihards KOLS

Madam President, my dear colleagues, a single market and 27 company law systems. That fragmentation costs European businesses the equivalent of 44 % tariff on goods and 110 % on services inside our single market. We tax ourselves out of our own market then act surprised when our start-ups found themselves in Texas instead of Riga. That is the broken infrastructure we need to fix not qualified majority tax rules.

So let's simplify: one digital registration, one rulebook for companies scaling everywhere in the EU. That is the actual precondition to competitiveness.

This file does not stand alone. It sits alongside EU inc., insolvency rules and one more pillar that matters: European business wallets – one digital identity instead of 27 separate logins. Today, an SME expanding abroad spends on average EUR 10 000 and 14 weeks on paperwork. Get the wallet right and that time and cost falls by roughly half, saving businesses some EUR 150 billion a year.

Real benefits, no Member State loses its tax base, and every founder who left for Texas gets a reason to come home.
Portrait of Arba KOKALARI

Arba KOKALARI

Madam President, building a company in Europe today means 27 rule books. Unfortunately, many see it as 27 reasons to move to the US. So we need to make it easier for European companies to stay in Europe. We must make it easier for them to scale in Europe and not just scale the paperwork. That is the ambition that we should set for 'EU Inc.': one European company form, one rule book, one single market. 'EU Inc.' companies must also offer good employee stock option programmes and be easy to list in European stock markets.

We have a unique chance to make Europe a single market for real – that will make us competitive globally and that's what's going to make Europe rich and prosperous in the future. So let's make 'EU Inc.' happen and let's make it easier to become an entrepreneur in Europe.
Portrait of Karlo RESSLER

Karlo RESSLER

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, without bold innovations, without new investments and without a real single market, Europe is, unfortunately, only a sleeping economic giant that is strong in its potential, but slow and sluggish in a world that will not wait for us. Therefore, the proposal for a single, simpler European framework for business growth is one of the most important, but also one of the most positive proposals of this term.

This means a voluntary, digital and clear legal framework, from the establishment of a company in a maximum of 48 hours, through standardized forms and easier attraction of capital, to doing business and growing throughout Europe without 27 different barriers. This would dramatically improve the business environment and remove unnecessary barriers and reduce the administrative burden with additional legal certainty.

The price of fragmentation today is enormous. The burden is sometimes greater than the largest and highest tariffs. Europe has the knowledge, it has the people, it has the capital and it can no longer afford for ideas to be born here and companies to be registered somewhere else.

(The speaker agreed to reply to a blue-card question.)
Portrait of Lukas SIEPER

Lukas SIEPER

Thank you, colleague, for accepting my blue card. You rightfully said that we have a lot of potential. I am sure you are also aware of the exceptions to the basic freedoms of the internal market that national Member States can impose. Do you think that, as long as these exceptions still exist, like 'EU Inc.' can really work? Or should we not think even further to dig out our potential?
Portrait of Karlo RESSLER

Karlo RESSLER

Thank you for the question.

I think that we should definitely think and move beyond only this proposal. You were mentioning the exceptions that do exist. I wouldn't put them all in the same category, so I think that we should really make a smart choice, but in general I think that it is quite clear that really Europe has the knowledge, Europe has the people, and Europe has the potential to do it. We can do it because I think, in this case, that we have to have also one rulebook for those who want to scale up, and this is something that we will do with this proposal.
Portrait of Wouter BEKE

Wouter BEKE

Mr President, today innovative companies run up against 27 national systems, 27 registers, 27 legal thresholds. Who wants to grow? As a result, the European Union loses a great deal of time, capital, potential. And Europe has talent. We have talent, we have knowledge, we have drive. But scaling up is far too difficult. Fellow Member Andriukaitis referred to the biotech regulation and I completely agree with that. I have previously called the proposal for the 28th regime administrative simplification squared, but then it must be much more ambitious. It must not remain an empty box, no extra layer on top of the 27 national regimes, because then we might as well stop right away.

Commissioner, that is why I also ask you: let us get to work on a 28th regime with a truly supranational framework, one European register, low costs and minimum capital, robust harmonization of corporate rules, digital procedures that can work in the same way everywhere, and access to the specialized European commercial court. Let us not start from fear or national reflexes. What I have heard here: on the far-right side they say: “But we are not going to give up national rules.”; on the far-left side they say: “Yes, but that might give us less revenue.” Do you know who the biggest victim of this is? That is the European consumer: €4,000 per year we can return to the consumer. Through this we can create economic growth and we can ensure that innovation and capital can remain here in Europe.

(The speaker agrees to take a "blue card" question)
Portrait of Maria GRAPINI

Maria GRAPINI

of the "blue card". – Sure, you said that we have an extreme need for this single European framework, but do you think it can only work if we institute this single framework now, as long as we have, for example, 27 public procurement systems? Because we asked, the Parliament, and the Council blocked it. We asked for a regulation. We have 27 laws for late payments. Again, it is blocked at the Council. How do you think we should harmonize everything so that we have a single framework? Otherwise, an entrepreneur, especially an SME, will have to know 27 (...)

(The President withdrew the speaker's floor)
Portrait of Wouter BEKE

Wouter BEKE

"blue card" answer. - Yes, I completely agree with your analysis, but that is no reason at all not to go for a 28th regime. That is an even greater reason to say: let us be more ambitious in the economic field, to harmonize what needs to be harmonized. If we can do Europe a huge service for our economic growth - and that means for our prosperity, for our socio-economic market model - it is economic harmonization.
Portrait of Seán KELLY

Seán KELLY

Madam President, my colleague Ressler said Europe was a sleeping giant. And this is a sleep that is self-inflicted because of overregulation etc. So now we need to wake up and get rid of the sleeping tablets.

I think the report by Mario Draghi has been followed through very sensibly by the Commission in relation to omnibuses and now the 28 tax regime. But also crucial to that is investment money, and that can come from the savings and investment union, which is a priority for the Irish Presidency over the next six months. And if we get the cooperation we need and require, then the billions of euros that citizens have in banks, sleeping there, losing money for them, can be utilised to create the investment that will help us to not only research, but also innovate, scale up and manufacture in Europe, and that will benefit all of us.
Portrait of Juan Fernando LÓPEZ AGUILAR

Juan Fernando LÓPEZ AGUILAR

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, the twenty-eighth regime —EU Inc.— is an ambitious objective: to create harmonized rules for the constitution, governance, and capital structures of innovative companies consistent with what the Letta and Draghi reports propose —with which this term began— and, furthermore, to do so by means of a regulation, meaning it would only require a qualified majority in the Council.

Well, this Parliament not only clearly supports it, but wants to lead this initiative. But we must be aware of its difficulties, because we will do so concurrently with the absence of fiscal harmonization —which continues to belong to the Member States as a competence—, labor harmonization —likewise 27 different regimes— and, also, despite the fact that company registration is harmonized, it will coexist with 27 different registry models in the Union.

Therefore, the objective is plausible, but we must be aware of the difficulties. What must be achieved is that the legislative outcome lives up to the proclaimed ambition.
Portrait of Sebastian TYNKKYNEN

Sebastian TYNKKYNEN

Mr President, this house cannot get over its green craze. When discussing the simplification of cross-border business taxation, entries from the red-green party program are being dragged in through the same door. Namely, in connection with this simpler tax system, it is proposed as the position of the European Parliament that green innovation should be able to receive temporary additional deductions or tax payment deferrals.

I ask, why on earth does this green innovation need all these deferrals, additional deductions, and state subsidies that you are constantly pushing? Could it be that green projects cannot survive in competition and therefore must be supported by all possible means. Europe is still waiting for that green growth that you have promised for years. Realism is to stop waiting for it and start respecting market economy principles, which are not built on the foundation of green subsidy dance.
Portrait of Cynthia NÍ MHURCHÚ

Cynthia NÍ MHURCHÚ

Mr President, as Ireland takes over the Presidency of the Union, strengthening Europe's competitiveness is a major priority. Therefore, I welcome this report by MEP Ódor, rapporteur from my own political group, Renew Europe, and I thank him for the in-depth study he has carried out on the 28th tax regime which is optional - optional for our SMEs.

Start in Europe, grow in Europe, stay in Europe and do not leave home. The fragmented market in Europe has not been working for our SMEs for a long time, but rather it has been working against them.

I commend this optional European framework to harmonize the various incorporation, financing, investment, insolvency, legal, labor and tax systems, while recognizing the political sensitivity surrounding tax matters at the national level of the Member States.
Portrait of Nikola MINCHEV

Nikola MINCHEV

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, obstacles to businesses, cross-border operations and expansion constitute a major hurdle to an effective single market. We complain a lot about the 15 % US tariffs, but we tend to forget that existing barriers in our own single market account to much more.

And yes, a single business code would be a game changer. Today, a company expanding across Europe must navigate different tax procedures, authorities and reporting requirements. This is where the 28th regime can make a practical difference by simplifying this procedure through a one-stop shop, a single interface and stronger coordination between tax authorities.

But if a company can register under one European framework and still has to navigate a different national rules every time it hires, raises capital or expands into a new market, we will have changed the rulebook without changing the reality of doing business in Europe.

The question is simple: will this regime remove complexity or merely add another layer of it? Let's do our best to achieve the first, because its success will ultimately depend on whether companies can operate more easily across our single market and compete more effectively.
Portrait of Petras GRAŽULIS

Petras GRAŽULIS

Madam President, esteemed Commissioner. In pursuit of a single market, I believe that we should also standardise taxes. In Lithuania, the value added tax is one of the highest in the European Union. In particular, the value added tax is high on food products. In many European Union countries, the value added tax on food products is much lower, but no exceptions are made for this in Lithuania. I believe it is necessary to seek that the value added tax on food products has a zero rate, especially for essential food products. I have repeatedly suggested, as a Member of the European Parliament, that these taxes be lower, but unfortunately neither the one nor the other government would agree. Does the European Union not think that it is necessary to reduce taxes on food products? Especially since in Lithuania there is a very large wealth disparity and nearly 20 percent of people are impoverished.
Portrait of Maria ZACHARIA

Maria ZACHARIA

Madam Commissioner, I call on you to withdraw this proposal. The so-called 28th regime is not an innocent administrative change. It is a dangerous door for letterbox companies, social dumping and the weakening of collective rights. The European Trade Union Confederation ETUC itself warns that there are no binding guarantees for workers. The European Trade Union Institute warns that it paves the way for competition at the expense of wages and rights.

We say no to the "race to the bottom". If the Commission believes that workers' rights are not at risk, then explicitly enshrine in the regulation that the labor law and collective agreements of the country where the worker actually works will always apply. Until binding guarantees are enshrined for every worker, our position is clear: Withdraw this proposal.

Dubravka Šuica

Madam President, honourable Members, thank you for your valuable remarks and for your recognition that this proposal is a good step in the right direction. 'EU Inc.' is a corporate‑law proposal, which is part of a broader strategy to strengthen the competitiveness of the European economy. Yes, we want to remove complexities and we want to simplify but not lower our standards in combating tax evasion.

We will ensure fair taxation and a level playing field, and maintain a high level of protection against tax fraud. The objective is to enable companies to operate under a single, harmonised set of EU‑wide rules, instead of having to navigate different corporate‑law frameworks of the Member States.

We commend the fact that the European Parliament recognises 'EU Inc.' as a strategic step forward towards a further deepening and improvement of the single market and competitiveness. We also acknowledge the Parliament's general call for further legislative actions related to the 28th regime. We are ready to listen to the businesses and work together with the Member States to create an environment in which companies can thrive.

Thank you for your exchange, and all the best.
Portrait of Ľudovít ÓDOR

Ľudovít ÓDOR

Madam President, first, I wanted to thank all the shadow rapporteurs and also MEPs for the lively debate. I think it also showed that this is an important topic.

Second, I wanted to highlight maybe three issues which are really important, and I felt a little bit of misunderstanding in the plenary.

The first one, the regime is optional. It is optional not only for the companies but also for the Member State to opt into this regime. So, this is not forcing targeted harmonisation among Member States.

The second one, it is not mainly about tax revenues, since start-ups and scale-ups usually generate at the beginning of their life very, very limited revenues.

The third one is that it is important to highlight that we are not an isolated island somewhere in the Pacific, but we need to be competitive internationally. What are the benchmarks internationally? If you look at the situation in the US, they have a special regime for scale-ups, start-ups and innovative companies. It is called the Delaware regime. I do not advocate to simply copy that situation, mainly because of worker rights and others, but still, we need one regime for having scale in Europe, because what is the alternative? If we are not able to create big companies, globally competitive companies, if we are not able to utilise the full single market, then of course somebody else will decide about our future. And that is at least not what I want for the future of Europe.

So, thank you once again very much for the constructive discussion.

Vote details

  • Motion for a resolution Plain-language guide Motion for a resolution This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This vote approves Parliament's non-binding position aiming to boost EU competitiveness by exploring a 28th optional EU-wide business tax regime. What a Yes vote means Would approve Parliament's non-binding position to explore a 28th EU-wide business tax regime for boosting competitiveness. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 366 192 39 121
2026-07-09B10-0339/2026Joint communication on humanitarian aid (JOIN(2026)0025)

Discussion transcript

Joint communication on humanitarian aid (JOIN(2026)0025)

Where available, remarks are AI-translated into English. Select the language badge to view the original.

NICOLAE ȘTEFĂNUȚĂ:Vicepreșed

PRESIDENCY: NICOLAE STEFANUTA

Vice-President

Vote details

  • Amendment 2 · After paragraph 1 Plain-language guide Amendment 2 · After paragraph 1 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would add a new paragraph condemning humanitarian aid blockades and forced displacement, and calling for EU sanctions against responsible non-EU actors. What a Yes vote means Would add Parliament's demand for the EU and Member States to impose sanctions on non-EU actors blocking humanitarian aid or causing forced displacement. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 255 315 19 129
  • Amendment 5 · After paragraph 4 Plain-language guide Amendment 5 · After paragraph 4 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would add a requirement for the EU to use all diplomatic and economic leverage and measures against states or individuals obstructing EU humanitarian aid delivery. What a Yes vote means Would add that the EU must use all political and economic leverage and measures against those obstructing EU humanitarian aid delivery. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 279 259 54 126
  • Amendment 6 · paragraph 7 Plain-language guide Amendment 6 · paragraph 7 This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description This amendment adds a specific condemnation of double-tap strikes targeting humanitarian workers in conflicts like Ukraine, Gaza, and Lebanon to Parliament's resolution on humanitarian aid. What a Yes vote means Would add a condemnation of double-tap strikes targeting aid workers in conflicts including Ukraine, Gaza, and Lebanon. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 283 216 83 136
  • Amendment 13 · Recital D Plain-language guide Amendment 13 · Recital D This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would add religious extremism and persecution of Christians to the humanitarian aid resolution's context. What a Yes vote means Would add risks from religious extremism and the persecution of Christians to the resolution. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 238 251 88 141
  • Amendment 15 · Recital K Plain-language guide Amendment 15 · Recital K This plain-language guide and its assessment were generated by AI from official European Parliament records. Description Would replace part of the humanitarian aid resolution to make EU support conditional on cooperation regarding illegal migration, smuggling prevention, and migrant returns. What a Yes vote means Would replace Parliament’s draft text to condition EU support on cooperation in preventing illegal migration, combating smuggling, and returning non-qualifying persons. Does it benefit Russia? No supported Russia-related effect is stated. 208 347 19 144